Download Applying Rawls in the Twenty-First Century: Race, Gender, by M. Carcieri PDF

By M. Carcieri

John Rawls is the main influential political philosopher of the 20th century. many of the scholarly literature on Rawls defends, evaluations, or elaborates on a few element of his concept. those writings are frequently precious, but this e-book is going past them. Like a number of students, instead of debating even if and the way Rawls received issues wrong or right, Martin Carcieri take his well-defended rules of justice - particularly the equivalent liberty, reasonable equality of chance, and distinction rules on the center of his concept - as given and practice them to points of 4 significant, enduring, concrete household coverage, moral, and constitutional concerns. those purposes yield counter-intuitive implications that might problem the ideological left and correct alike, contributing to our knowing either one of Rawls and of those matters. on the middle, this ebook deepens our knowing of those matters and issues the way in which towards rational, simply coverage reform.

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Extra info for Applying Rawls in the Twenty-First Century: Race, Gender, the Drug War, and the Right to Die

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I have argued that while strong forms of affirmative action cannot be derived from Rawls’s theory, strong forms of legislative reparations can be so derived. Nozick, we saw, observed that political philosophers after Rawls must either work within his theory or explain why not. Those who reject my thesis are thus invited to support their position on the terrain of Rawls’s theory or meet Nozick’s challenge to explain why or to what extent they reject that theory. It may be replied that, even assuming my thesis is sound as political theory, current economic reality is such that Congress and the President would not be able to find the resources, presumably in the billions, for reparations as I have defined them.

Prudential considerations suggest that the cost should be borne generally, not just by marginal workers. The prudential argument on the other side—that it is politically, and possibly administratively, easier to assign the costs to marginal workers—is morally unattractive.  When the parties in the original position meet to choose non-ideal principles, each will seek to avoid the risk of having to pay a disproportionate share of the costs of compensation.  . 91 Yet they would notice more than this.

Such a person is one of a minority in society who bear the burden of not just one major disadvantageous social or natural contingency, but two. 112 What would such relief consist of? In elucidating the FEO principle, Rawls provides some guidance.  be normal and fully cooperating members of society over a complete life” seems to be both a means and an end for Rawls. Insofar as it is an end with regard to the poor disabled, our legislators would clearly provide means like wheelchair ramps and Braille signs where essential in public spaces such as subway stations, public libraries, and universities.

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